Why The May 10, 2010 Philippine Polls Failed: The PCOS Forensics

ONE of several arguments that strongly point to systematic, nationwide fraud to favor a “secret candidate” of the Philippines’ preceding Illegitimate “President” Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is the fact that the recent automated elections despicably failed to meet the minimum standards for “transparent and credible” electoral process. Central to the questions on the integrity of the AES polls last May 10, 2010 are the Precinct Count Optical Scan or PCOS machines supplied by Venezuelan firm Smartmatic-TIM.

The PCOS is perhaps most infamous for Comelec’s admission at one point of the machines as having ascandalously high error rate ranging from 15-30 percent instead of the tolerable rate of a mere 0.005 percent. There have been a host of other PCOS issues, however, even several weeks prior to the elections. Mr. Roberto Verzola, the “Father of Philippine Email,” made a pre-electoral assessment of Comelec’s adopted technology and predicted a mere 25% success rate for the Southeast Asian country’s first automated elections. On the particular issue of the Smartmatic-TIM’s PCOS machines and what Comelec’’s relevant actions, he listed the following points of electoral insecurities:

* “no mention of full testing and acceptance by the Comelec: of the 82,200 PCOS machines delivered”
* disabling of what was the built-in PCOS feature of voter verification and confirmation feature
* amidst the PCOS’ use of two memory cards and purchase of extra memory cards, the potential risk of malicious capability for memory card substitution in 21.5 percent of the PCOS machines.

The Center for People Empowerment in Governance or CenPEG also made its assessment five weeks before the polls that the technology adopted by Comelec falls short of the minimum safety requirements, as well as industry standards that the law mandates. Strong evidence indicative of the grievous insecurities of the PCOS machines were exposed during the forensic investigation on the 60 PCOS machines found in the residence of a Smartmatic technician in Antipolo City.

It is most unfortunate that Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile did not wait for the final forensic report and pushed through with the proclamation of the supposed presidential and vice-presidential “winners” of the May 2010 elections. Nonetheless, the said report reveals the utter unreliability of the PCOS machines for any serious electoral exercise. Amidst the findings on the Susana compact flash (CF) cards, the report adds to the many evidences that seriously indicate HOCUS PCOS poll fraud during the last AES polls.

What follows is the encoding of the final report of the National Board of Canvasser's Joint Forensic team that investigated the PCOS machines suspiciously found in the residence of a Smartmatic technician (hardcopy provided by the office of Sen. Jamby Madrigal).

(Summary of Findings:)

Extracted Hash Code Did Not Match Published Hash Code.

The has code is an output of an algorithmic process that will verify if an electronic file is authentic or not. The hash code of an electronic file is always unique–it would change if the content of that electronic file is modified. The hash code is to an electronic file as the fingerprint or DNA is to humans. (p. 2)

Absence of Machine Digital Signatures.

Examination of the PCOS machines revealed that there was no evidence found to prove the existence of digital certificates in the PCOS machines, contrary to the claims of Smartmatic. (p. 3)

PCOS Machine Can Be Controlled Through Its Console Port.

The PCOS machine contains a console port, which Smartmatic claims is only a one-way out put port, used for diagnostic purposes only. The forensic team, with the allowance of Smartmatic technicians, was able to connect an ordinary laptop computer to the console port of a PCOS machine, via a serial cable provided by the latter.

“… the serially connected laptop computer was able to access the operating system of the PCOS machine… [without need for] username and password….

“The Linux operating system of the PCOS machine was exposed to full access and control….

“Smartmatic cannot offer a technical explanation for this major loophole” (pp. 3-4)

Hon.  Anne Susano’s CF Cards.

“The forensic team is of the opinion that the three (3) CF cards, one (1) of which is a main CF card, are all authentic CF cards, meaning that are all original and duly issued by Smartmatic or COMELEC.

“This finding would then belie the announcement of the COMELEC NCD Director that all the CF cards within Metro Manila had all been accounted for and turned over to the COMELEC.” (p.5).

Final Recommendations.

The Recommendations and Conclusions, as embodied in the Preliminary Report remain standing except for Item No. 1, which should now read, as follows:

“1.  To allow the forensic team to further explore the console port of the PCOS machine and perform tests as to its capabilities and vulnerabilities. For example, to allow the forensic team to store an executable code in the PCOS machine’s RAM disk and verify as to how the PCOS machine will behave with such a load in its RAM.”

It is further recommended that the forensic analysis of the PCOS machines be allowed and expanded by the incoming 15th Congress to include those PCOS machines which are subject of electoral protests and suspected of having been used as instruments of electoral fraud.

For your consideration and approval.

Sincerely yours,

Atty. AL. S. VITANGCOL III. CHFI

For the Joint Forensic Team  

Importance of Digital Signature

Digital signature forms the lifeblood of authenticity in electronic transactions. It is a cryptographic process through which the Private Signature key of the sender is signed into a PRISM message, enabling the message's recipient, who has the correponding public key, to accurately authenticate the message. It serves to validate both data and identity to make sure that information has not been changed--in other words, not tampered--from the time it was created to the time it was sent to the time it reached the receiving party.

In all secured electronic transactions, including the critical election process, digital signatures constitute a fundamental infrastructure element for electronic voting. That the Comelec did away with it with its March 10, 2010 resolution--in violation of the Republic Act 9369 and its pledge before the Supreme Court in the Harry Roque - COMELEC-Smartmatic case--highlights how the 60 PCOS machines having been found in a Smartmatic technician's residence in the province of Antipolo have possibly been used to commit electoral fraud. As explained by Hermenegildo R. Estrella R. Estrella Jr., Management Systems Advisor for public and private consulting projects:

The purpose of the digital signature is for the receiving entity, in this case for example, the municipal or city board of canvassers, [to] know exactly where that particular vote count is coming from; and whether (1) it is authentic, (2) it can be verified, and (3) really accurate.

Had Comelec not dismantled the requirements for digital signatures, and had the third party certifying the authenticity of such signatures been independent (as required by law, should have mainly been the National Computer Center and NOT Smartmatic itself as is the case, constituting constitutes blatant conflict of interest), the discovery of the PCOS machines in a private residence should not have been an issue. This is because digital certification by the BOE inspectors would have allowed the PCOS machines to bear his or her identifying number no matter if s/he uses other PCOS machines as necessary in transmitting the electronic voting data, thus serving to verify the sender and help authenticate the transmitted election returns.

However, exactly because there was no digital security safeguard, who's to tell the machines were not used to transmit fraudulent votes? In fact, it is probable that the said PCOS machines, which obviously constitute part of the extra machines Comelec had ordered but found in apparently scandalous circumstances, were used in the unexplained transmission of ghost votes reported by the mainstream media on the night of election day. Jonathan Manalang, the Operations Director of the technical support center of Smartmatic, testified in Congress on how the media was astonishingly reporting 50 percent vote transmission when there was, in fact, only 20 percent votes yet being transmitted from the headquarters of Smartmatic-TIM.

Forensic Report of No Digital Certificates in PCOS

That the forensic report of the Congressional Canvassing body shows the ABSENCE of the machine version digital signature by itself glaringly reveals even more how highly anomalous the automated elections held last May 10, 2010 were. What, are the people supposed to believe that Comelec did not bother inspecting the delivered PCOS machines? Or, did the poll body even cared to test the capability of Smartmatic during the bidding (and post-bidding) process? Father of Philippine e-mail RobertoVerzola in fact made a March 2010 pre-electoral assessment that reports of how Comelec made no mention of having fully tested the delivered PCOS machines.

In the context of the discovery having been made amidst the lying claming of Smartmatic that (1) signature was present in the PCOS machines; (2) Comelec's bullying insistence that Smartmatic bag the P7.3-billion contract for AES; and (3) Comele's adamant claim that Smartmatic technology is unhackable, the revelation categorically points to collusion between the previous Arroyo administration, as represented by Comelec, and Smartmatic. These two entities apparently worked in conjunction with each other in paving the way for insecure, unsuccessful automated polls.

Hash Code

Hash codes are unique digital fingerprints that serve to authentically identify electronic files. That the hash codes extracted in six of the PCOS machines did not match Comelec-published results further adds to the fraudulent anomaly of the Philippines' first AES. One wonders whether there were other PCOS machines that carried hash codes not matching the ones published by Comelec?

That Comelec belatedly claims the extracted harsh code to be the correct one indicates incompetency on the part of the poll body at the very least and, more likely, deliberate fraud by the administration at its worst. Moreover, that the Philippine poll body apparently bothered not knowing the PCOS machines' genuine hash code until the fact of the incongruence of the extracted and of the Comelec-published hash codes was shown by the final report of the Congressional Canvassing body--which was released only on June 9, 2010 or nearly month after the polls--probably point to how the entire elections was intended to be fraudulent.

Why so? Because this incredible level of technical nonchalance by Comelec diametrically counters--and belies--Comelec's insistence that the security features of Smartmatic's PCOS machines are not hackable. Such diametrical opposition of fact versus Comelec pronouncement, amidst the poll body's illegal forfeiture of the digital security feature basic to any successful secured electronic process, only indicates systematic intent to deceive and con the Filipino electorate.

Forensic Discovery of Secret "Backdoor" Control

The discovery of the secret control "backdoor" in the console part of the PCOS machines is another grave issue that clearly points to Comelec-Smartmatic collusion for poll failure or automated poll fraud. Smartmatic having claimed the backdoor was merely a one-way output port for diagnostics when it could easily be exploited to fully manipulate the machine's actual operations through its sash interface loudly cries deception. That Comelec has been pronouncedly amiss in ensuring the security of the AES, among others, by certifying, and testing the PCOS machines, even when it has vouched for their supposed non-hackability, unquestionably show intent to deceive.

Conclusion

In sum, Congress' final forensic report of the PCOS machines inappropriately housed in the residence of a Smartmatic technician reveals the (1) mismatch between the Comelec-published and the extracted hash codes; (2) absence of digital certificates in the PCOS contrary to Smartmatic's claim; the (3) the alarming presence of a secret "backdoor" to easily control PCOS operations; and (4) even Comelec's inability to secure all its duly-issued CF cards. Amidst Comelec's move to forego of the digital security feature requirements of R.A. 9369, including that most fundamental digital signature; it's bullying insistence to acquire the services of Smartmatic; and highly suspicious failure to fully test the delivered PCOS machines while loudly vouching for them as supposedly being not hackable, the poll body in complicity with Smartmatic seemed to have plotted the failure of the Philippines' first automated elections. Beyond the failure in terms of a secured automated environment and authenticity of counted votes and election returns, it appears the previous Arroyo administration had ensured the victory of its secret anointed one HOCUS PCOS style.

________

Posted by Jesusa Bernardo

References @ SOBRIETY for the PHILIPPINES

PCOS Machines in Antipolo – The Untold Story Part I

by Nicanor Perlas

I wanted to tell the story of the Antipolo PCOS machines more than three weeks ago. At the time, and until today, the media have continued to post one-sided stories regarding my involvement in the controversy surrounding these PCOS, the machines that were at the heart of the first national automated elections in the Philippines.  This one-sided and clearly biased and manipulated media reporting had, in some instances, also resulted in the loss of support from a few supporters who voted for me.

So I wanted to give a complete picture to surface a fuller truth regarding the Antipolo PCOS machines, to neutralize the media spin on this issue, and to enable supporters and the general public to make an informed judgment regarding the highly controversial events that surrounded the drama around the 60 PCOS machines in Antipolo City.

However, preparation for and participation in events connected with the investigations at the House Committee on Suffrage and Electoral Reforms as well as the Senate and House Joint Committee acting as National Board of Canvassers (NBOC) for President and Vice President, ate up most of my time. But now the Joint Congress Committee has authorized a Technical Working Group (TWG) to conduct a forensics of the 60 PCOS machines in Antipolo. The Antipolo PCOS machines are now back in public consciousness. It is therefore time to reveal the untold story surrounding the PCOS machines in Antipolo.

The PCOS machines, short for Precinct Count Optical Scanners, were at the heart of the recent automated national elections in May 2010. A few days after the May 10, 2010 elections, tri-media reported that 60 PCOS machines were found in the house of a Smartmatic technician in Antipolo City. Smartmatic was Comelec’s (Commission on Eections) contractor for the automated elections.

The news immediately raised alarm bells in a social climate where presidential candidates, including myself, were asking whether the recent national elections were clean and honest. What were the 60 PCOS machines doing in a private house instead of a polling place or another authorized location? Where they used for fraud?

Unknown to most of the public, on 23 April 2010, Comelec passed Resolution 8823 directing Smartmatic to store the PCOS machines in the central warehouse of Smartmatic in Cabuyao, Laguna, after elections.

So clearly, here, was a violation by Smartmatic of the Comelec resolution. The Smartmatic technician was illegally in possession of the PCOS machines. The suspicions of the residents of Antipolo were right. The PCOS machines were not supposed to be stored in the house of the technician. It was illegally being held hostage in a private house.

At this time, the residents of Antipolo were not aware of this legal violation by Smartmatic. They were just very suspicious about the PCOS machines being housed in a private house. Therefore, they immediately mobilized their neighbors and friends to surround the private house to prevent the PCOS machines from being taken away. They also contacted Congressman Lito Gatlabayan, who ran for mayor of Antipolo City in the recent elections, to come to their assistance.

The number of concerned residents swelled. Smartmatic knew it could not take out the machines. Both sides called the police to ensure peace and order.

On May 14, 2010, Smartmatic Area Manager Vicente Carlos M. Serrano and Atty. Andrei Zapanta, Counsel for NPC-NP and representing Congressman Lito Gatlabayan and the concerned citizens of Antipolo, signed a memorandum of agreement. The MOA was witnessed by Comelec City Election Officer Atty. Arnulfo Pioquinto, Rizal Province Police Chief, PSSUPT Jonathan Ferdinand Miano, and Philippine Army Lieutenant Arnel Marcos.  In that agreement, they agreed to transfer the 60 PCOS machines to the Ynares Center Building, the seat of the Provincial Government of Rizal. All parties agreed that the Ynares Center was a neutral site for the safe-keeping of the PCOS machines.

In the MOA, all parties also agreed that, at the soonest possible time, given the tension surrounding the machines, IT personnel from Smartmatic, Comelec, and Congressman Gatlayan would jointly inspect the machine and examine its contents, especially the data inside the secondary flash card. By that time, a crowd of almost 5000 residents had camped outside the Ynares Center Building. They were guarding the PCOS machines, 24 hours a day.

On May 15, 2010, responding to an urgent request from Congressman Gatlabayan and his leaders, presidential candidates Jamby Madrigal, JC de los Reyes, and myself hurriedly went to Antipolo City. Congressman Gatlabayan was concerned that Smartmatic would bring in the police to disperse the crowd and snatch back the PCOS machines. Because of this possibility, and believing that the PCOS machines contained evidence of fraud committed against him and other local and national candidates, he also wanted to examine the contents of the Compact Flash Cards (CFC) that were inside the PCOS machines.

When we arrived, a crowd of around 2000 people warmly greeted us. All four of us (the three presidential candidates and Congressman Gatlabayan) briefly spoke before the crowd and congratulated them for their bravery and what they had done. We emphasized that they were doing a tremendous service to the nation for protecting the integrity of the PCOS machines.

We then proceeded to the office of Congressman Lito Gatlabayan. His office was also inside the Ynares Center Building. There we discussed, then debated what to do with the PCOS machines. A much smaller crowd of around 15 local leaders and lawyers listened to our discussion/debate.

Because of the urgency and the uncertainty of the situation, most wanted ALL the machines to be opened on that day. However, I and the lawyer of another candidate, resisted the attempt to open all the PCOS machines on that day. I argued that the MOA clearly said that Smartmatic and Comelec had to be there to witness the opening and testing of the PCOS machines. And one lawyer, whose name escapes me for now, argued the importance of due process. He was insisting, with my support, that we had to inform Smartmatic and Comelec regarding our intent to do an examination of the PCOS machines.

Finally, everyone agreed to do the audit of the PCOS machines on Monday. We also agreed to inform Comelec and Smartmatic about our intention to open the machines on Monday, 17 May 2010, a decision that was duly implemented by the lawyers of Congressman Gatlabayan.

The following Monday, before going back to Antipolo, Jamby, JC, and I filed a petition at the Supreme Court seeking a Temporary Restraining Order against Comelec. The latter announced that it was going to destroy Compact Flash Cards that operated the PCOS machines as well as delete related data in their laptops. We all thought that this was a very irresponsible act by Comelec as this could taken as tampering with election results.

After the Supreme Court, we headed straight for Ynares Center in Antipolo City. When we arrived, we noted high emotional tension in the area.

Congressman Gatlabayan informed us that his lawyers had informed Comelec and Smartmatic of our intention to investigate the PCOS machines for fraudulent use, if any. However, Comelec washed its hands on our joint investigation of the PCOS machines. Their officer, Atty. Pioquino, said that the PCOS machines were the property of Smartmatic. Therefore, we can do the investigation provided Smartmatic agreed.

In addition, Smartmatic did a very dishonorable act. Its lawyer penned a handwritten note saying that they would not honor the MOA between them and Congressmen Gatlabayan. Instead Smartmatic’s lawyer asked the Governor not to give the key to the security room containing the 60 PCOS machines. And not contented with this obstruction, Smartmatic also then asked head of the provincial police to take possession of the 60 PCOS machines.

Since we had an authentic and duly executed MOA in our hands, we all agreed and decided as follows. First, we concluded that Smartmatic and Comelec had relinquished their legal right to be present in the IT investigations of the PCOS machines. Second, Smartmatic had no right to prevent us from entering the room containing the PCOS machines. Therefore, we were going to open the door to the PCOS machine and we were going to do this forcibly, if necessary. And, third, we, together with several thousand other Antipolo residents, would prevent the police from snatching the PCOS machines away from the Ynares Center.

We then implemented our decisions. But, first, we, through Congressman Gatlabayan, made several attempts to convince the Governor to release the keys to PCOS room. These attempts failed. Meanwhile, the police informed Congressman Gatlabayan that they were moving forward to secure the PCOS machines.

It was clear from these two developments that we all had to move swiftly to access the PCOS machines. Thereafter, the followers of Congressman Gatlabayan forcibly opened the door of the room containing the PCOS machines. They broke the lock (which they replaced later on) and entered the room. Simultaneously the large crowd cordoned off the PCOS area to prevent the police from entering the room and forcibly taking the PCOS machines.

When we entered the room, most of the leaders, probably due to the emotional demands of the crowd outside, wanted to open all PCOS machines. I strongly argued that we should open only one PCOS machine as we wanted to preserve the integrity and evidentiary value of the rest of the machines. Besides it would be easier to closely examine one machine rather than 60 machines all at once.

I also argued that we should have the media take footages of our investigation. I wanted the public to know how we were conducting the investigations. I also wanted to prevent wild rumors and gossips that could emerge alleging that we were damaged the PCOS machines. The group agreed.

That media would later on spin the story irresponsibly is their own fiction, not what really happened. They never gave our explanation a chance to be fully aired to the public.

So we opened one PCOS box. We found a back-up flash card and tried to read its content. We failed in this effort due to software incompatibilities. Meanwhile, we opened the metal casing protecting the hardware of PCOS machine to find out what was inside. As I was overseeing the process, I explicitly instructed the person opening the machine not to tamper with the hardware of the PCOS machine. And he followed my instruction.

After several hours, the technician managed to start the PCOS machine. When it started, it printed out a date: 11 May 2010, 1139am. This was our first evidence that the machines had been used after the elections! Under Comelec General Instructions, election officers were supposed to shut down the machine after use on the day of the elections, that is, on 10 May 2010.

I went outside to report to the crowd our first preliminary result. They heartily cheered this report. Later, we found out that other PCOS machines in other parts of the country had been used at different times, times that were not connected with the official milestones authorized for the PCOS machines.

As we were doing our investigation, we received word that the police force was increasing in numbers. It was clear that they were up to something. Tensions increased again. I therefore decided to personally lead a small group to negotiate directly with the provincial police chief, PSSUPT Miano.

From the negotiations, it was clear that the police had been given orders “from above” to secure the PCOS machines. The provincial police superintendent also informed us that they now had over 500 policemen securing the area. He also informed us that they had sealed off the area to prevent the thousands of other residents outside the perimeter fence from joining their 2000 PCOS watchers inside the compound. Both these developments alarmed and agitated the 2000 or so PCOS watchers inside the compound. They braced themselves for a physical encounter with the police.

The negotiations continued for more than 6 hours. During these negotiations, the police negotiating team consisted of PNP head for the province, his deputy, and their regional deputy head. The negotiations were generally respectful and cordial. It was clear that there had been probably some miscommunications between the police, Smartmatic, the Governor, and Congressman Gatlabayan.

However, there was a time that the negotiations could have ended abruptly. In the midst of the police was a lawyer from Smartmatic. This lawyer kept on putting stumbling blocks on the negotiations, making all kinds of wild claims. It seemed that all he could say was “No” to all kinds of suggestions.

The point was reached when I had to pointedly ask the provincial head of the police: “Whom would you follow – the governor or Smartmatic?”

The governor, who has authority over the police in his province, was sending exploratory signals that he would allow the residents to continue having jurisdiction over the PCOS machines, especially since Smartmatic, in the MOA referred to, agreed to having the PCOS machines in the Ynares Center. So I wanted to know directly from the police chief if the power of the governor was enough authority for him to leave the PCOS watchers in peace.

Not surprisingly, the police chief answered “Smartmatic!”.  I was not surprised because the provincial police chief had shown his partiality for Smartmatic early on during the negotiations. Also, the provincial police chief reminded me that he had yielded to everything I had requested, including allowing the food of the 2000 PCOS watchers to be brought in beyond their barricade.

With his answer, it became clear to me that we had reached the point of stalemate. The negotiations would only move forward if we had documented evidence, from a higher or the highest authority of the land, that we had the right to safeguard the PCOS machines.

I went back and forth from the PCOS room to that adjoining place in the Ynares Center where the police were gathered, to consult with my colleagues regarding our stand and report to them on the progress of the negotiations. In the process, I saw that the hundreds of policemen and policewomen were aligned in battle formation and were in full anti-riot gear. I saw also that heavily armed personnel from the Armed Forces of the Philippines had joined the police. Clearly the police and the military were preparing a joint operation to forcibly snatch the PCOS machines away from the area and hand it over to Smartmatic.

After my report of developments to our leadership group, Senator Jamby Madrigal contacted Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile. Senator Madrigal convinced Senator Enrile to have the Senate of the Philippines take custody of the PCOS machines. Upon this agreement, Enrile immediately called an unnamed Commissioner of the Comelec. Because of the potential for a violent confrontation, Enrile requested the Commissioner to convene an en banc meeting of the Comelec the following day and pass a Comelec resolution authorizing the transfer of the PCOS machines to the Senate.

While Senators Madrigal and Enrile were having their conversation, I thought of a solution that would be acceptable to both sides. By then, I had successfully convinced the negotiating team of the police to go inside the holding room of the PCOS machines and be there together with the leaders of the PCOS watchers. In this way, we could speed up the negotiation process. I assured the policemen their safety and that no untoward event would happen. People were tired on both sides and all parties wanted a peaceful resolution of the matter.

I convinced my colleagues to allow the police to move closer to the holding area of the PCOS machines. They initially objected because the followers of Congressman Gatlabayan did not trust the police. But then we said we can limit the number of the policemen not to exceed more than 10. I explained to my colleagues that the police had to be able to report to their superiors that they had secured an area where they can monitor whether or not the PCOS machines were going to be taken away or vandalized. In the end, my colleagues agreed to this arrangement.

As for the police, I convinced them to remain in their proposed specific area and to promise not to attack the PCOS watchers to avoid bloodshed. I also informed them of the agreement between the Senate President and a Comelec Commissioner. I assured them that this agreement would be backed up with the proper Comelec Resolution the following day.

Therefore, at around 2AM, Congressman Gatlabayan and I explained to the PCOS watchers our agreement with the police. They cheered their approval. Shortly thereafter, I facilitated the entry of a small police force near the holding room of the PCOS machines. In the end, the police sent a force of only 7 men and they properly situated themselves in the agreed area.

However, some local members of the leadership group continued to have fears about the trustworthiness of the police. And they were justified in their concern. Just shortly before the elections, unidentified men tried to assassinate Congressman Gatlabayan, wounding one bodyguard. Gatlabayan and his men chased the would-be assassins. The chase ended in a police office where the presiding officer, armed with an armalite, told Gatlabayan and his men to back off.

Thus, I went outside to the media and requested the GMA7 TV crew, the only TV crew left, to continue monitoring the area. In this way, the police will not be tempted to break the agreement. I also advised Gatlabayan to ensure that his followers put physical barriers in front of the door to the PCOS room and surround it with men. This would then pre-empt any surprise move by the police. He assured me that his men had already planned to do this.

After we made all these arrangements, the non-Antipolo residents, including myself, went home, knowing the PCOS machines would not be taken away. But we all knew that our task was not yet finished. After all, Comelec might still refuse to issue the required resolution.

After less than 4 hours of sleep, I then had to rush to attend a press conference organized by the CBCP in Intrmuros. Jamby, JC, and myself were invited to give some Bishops and the media an update of our investigations on fraud.

The press conference was significant as this press conference on May 18, 2010 became the venue for the first public DVD appearance of a masked man claiming massive fraud in the 2010 elections. Later on, Congressman Teddy Locsin would insult this whistleblower as “koala bear” due to the appearance of his mask. What “koala bear” and others like him had to say, however, will be the subject of another article.

After this CBCP press conference, Jamby, JC and I went to Comelec and directly to the office of Comelec Commissioner Gregorio Larrazabal. Senate President Enrile had advised Senator Madrigal to seek out this particular Commissioner. An agitated and very unfriendly Larrazabal came out and said that the Comelec had just passed an en banc resolution transferring custody of the Antipolo PCOS machines to the Senate. He informed us that the said resolution would be ready in a few minutes at the Comelec Secretary.

We thus obtained Comelec En Banc Resolution No. 8926, dated 18 May 2010, directing all parties concerned to have the Antipolo PCOS machines moved to the Senate for custody. Armed with this resolution, we hurriedly drove from Intramuros to Antipolo City. We were in a hurry because we were receiving text messages and calls that the policemen, contrary to our agreement, were starting to surround the whole building and were planning to disperse the PCOS watchers and take possession of the PCOS machines. I personally advised Congressman Gatlabayan via cell phone to ask the police to hold off and wait for us as we already had the Comelec Resolution.

When Jamby, JC, and I arrived, we were greeted with wild cheers. We waved the copy of the Comelec resolution amidst the thunderous applause of the thousands who have gathered to protect the PCOS machines.

One by one, starting with Congressman Getlabayan, we all thanked the Antipolo people for their bravery and courage for staking their life in defense of the PCOS machines. In addition, I personally thanked the police force and its provincial chief for allowing a peaceful resolution of the standoff. We all realized how close we all were to a violent incident. And we were all glad that we avoided it. The crowd responded by giving the policemen an applause.

We then went into one last final negotiation with the police regarding the manner of accounting for and transport of the PCOS machines to the Senate. As directed by the Comelec Resolution, the local Comelec officer had to take a full inventory of the 60 PCOS machines. After this inventory, the provincial police chief was to deploy more than 50 police escorts to accompany the PCOS machines to the Senate.

The inventory process took more than 5 hours. We had to go thru all the 60 boxes containing the PCOS machines and take a full inventory of what was written outside the box, note whether the box was sealed or open, and then inventory the full contents of the PCOS boxes that were opened. We did not open the sealed PCOS boxes.

I personally directed this operation together with the Comelec. I wanted to make sure that the process was orderly and that the inventory was accurate. I personally stood behind the Comelec personnel writing the inventory to make sure that she was recording all the details properly.

Eventually, at around 10pm, we finished the inventory and started loading the PCOS machines in an authorized van hired by Comelec. I personally sat beside the driver to ensure that there were no questionable last minute maneuvers that would compromise the integrity of the PCOS machines. Twenty or so policemen in motorcycles, plus three police vehicles, containing high-level police officers were ahead of us. Behind us were the three escort vehicles of Senator Jamby Madrigal. Jamby was seated in the car immediately behind the van. And behind Jamby were the vehicles of JC de los Reyes and Congressman Lito Gatlabyan and his supporters. It was a long convoy involving more than 300 people.

Eventually we reached the Senate building. Senator Enrile and his people were waiting for us. One by one Senate personnel unloaded the PCOS boxes and machines and stored them in a special room in the second floor of the Senate building. The personnel of the Senate Sergeant-At-Arms took a careful inventory of the machines. They also received the original copy of the inventory that Comelec and I did in Antipolo of the 60 PCOS machines. We finished at around 1AM the following morning.

The journey with the 60 PCOS machines from Antipolo had been long and arduous. It was also filled with a lot of tension and a real potential for a violent clash between the police and the people seeking the truth regarding these 60 PCOS machines.

Why had Smartmatic and the Comelec, and their police apparatus, put up such a stiff, almost violent, opposition to the rightful investigation of these PCOS machines that Smartmatic had illegally stored in a private house in Antipolo? Were they hiding something inside these machines?

The Senate President promised to have a full-blown forensic investigation of these machines before the Joint Congress would canvass the votes for President and Vice-President. But Senator Enrile never delivered on his promise. Instead he rushed the canvass by a Joint Committee of Congress (not Joint Congress itself) and allowed only a truncated investigation to take place on June 4, 5, 7, and 8, the last days of the canvassing. These investigations were terminated yesterday and had no value as far as the canvassing and proclamation of the top elective positions in the country were concerned.

In a follow up article, I will report on some of the disturbing preliminary findings we have discovered in our official investigation of the contents of the PCOS boxes, the content of the compact flash cards of the machines, and the peripheral accessories inside these boxes. We cannot allow illegal maneuverings to hoodwink the Filipino people that they just conducted a successful and honest national election. We would then be abandoning and betraying our duty as active and concerned citizens of the Republic of the Philippines.

________

Source:


Perlas, Nicanor. PCOS Machines in Antipolo – The Untold Story Part I. 10 June 2010. http://www.nicanor-perlas.com/News/pcos-machines-in-antipolo-the-untold-story-part-i.html

Cory Aquino Tributes & the Edsa 2 Denial Syndrome

The necrological services on the fourth day of the wake of former President Corazon "Cory" Aquino struck me as disconcertingly Edsa 2 in composition and sound, no matter that the VIPs who remained in their pews represented all the EDSA revolts--Edsa 1, 2 & 3. Except for Makati Mayor Jejomar Binay, the public figures who took the podium were movers or stalwarts of the 2001 "People Power" power grab.

There were, of course, the touching and insightful anecdotes from Cory's relatives and family or private friends, but the speeches of Congressman Teddy "Boy" Locsin, Manila Mayor Alfredo Lim, the wife of ex-House Speaker Jose de Venecia, Arroyo party-mate lead prosecutor in Estrada's impeachment trial, Mayor Sonny Belmonte--along with the mentioned seated presence of ex-President Fidel Ramos--seemed much too much a reminder of the 2001 Edsa conspiracy. Lim, it should be recalled, was the Secretary of Local Government who deserted his Commander-in-Chief, President Joseph "Erap" Estrada, during the penultimate day of Edsa 2; meanwhile, Locsin was one of those who actively campaigned for the "withdrawal of support" against Estrada. Fidel Ramos, on the other, is the ex-President Estrada wanted investigated for the "Centennial Expo" scandal but who connived with then Vice-President Gloria Arroyo, ex-President Aquino, Jaime Cardinal Sin, and business and military elements in unseating the popularly elected leader.


Add to this were the speeches of Cory's son, Sen. Noynoy Aquino, and Locsin that seemed to suggest that Edsa 2 was not at all a blunder. In no way was the 2001 "People Power" coup d'état "--of which President Aquino was a key advocate--actually mentioned by the politicians and private and religious speakers who paid the late President a tribute on that day, or the entire wake and burial, it seemed. Actually, the Edsa 2 ousting of President Estrada described by foreign news media back then as "'a defeat for due process," as "mob rule," as "a de facto coup,'" but ridiculously hailed by the traditional local media as a triumph of "democracy and "People Power," was most conspicuously a no-mention in the Cory tribute activities, funeral and media coverage thereof. Like a scourge, a leprous part of Cory's and the nation's recent history. The omission of Edsa 2 in all references to the contributions of the female "democracy icon" to Philippine politics was an almost unwritten rule. Recollections and images of the 1986 Edsa 1 "People Power" bombarded the screens, pages, and programs of news/opinion media but there appeared nary a single reference to the divisive and counter-democratic 2001 Edsa coup.

In recounting her mother's uncanny courage, unwavering love, faith in God, and righteous determination in service of patriotic duty even in the face of military artillery, Noynoy mused how he has not yet seen her "make a mistake" ("hindi ko pa ho siya nakitang nagkamali"). In describing how his stint with Cory as one of her advisers (Press Secretary) had led him to a "moral discovery," Locsin described her as "a woman who never did wrong." Of course, the contexts of these descriptions of Cory as perfect in no way referred to Edsa 2. Noynoy's remarks are especially understandable, coming from a son in tribute to his remarkable and beloved mother.

Then again, didn't Noynoy earlier try to present her mother's apology as having been said in 'jest'? The apology was made during ex-Speaker Jose De Venecia's book launching last December 2008. It was Cory's turn to take the stage and at some point in her speech, looked at Estrada and said: "I am one of those who plead guilty in 2001. All of us make mistakes, just please forgive me."

Can something as serious as a matter of an apology over a conspiratorial ouster be possibly turned into a humor by President Aquino? Even in the supposed context of an exchange of humorous quips, it seemed out-of-character for a sincere, truthful and honest Cory to publicly make any such "joke."

I reviewed the news clip on that famous apology and, based from the late President's facial expressions and slight turn of the head away from Estrada's gaze just before she let out the fateful words of apology, it revealed either a hesitancy or a moment of unease that come from a feeling of regret or some shame. Take note that her apology came after she was diagnosed with cancer. It seemed that even for an honest and sincere person like her, it had to take the diagnosis of an often-terminal disease before the admission of guilt to a great blunder could be made. A blogger earlier wrote that people should just "ask Cory" to clarify whether it was a 'joke.' Well, she did clarify it through her spokeswoman who said that it was indeed said in "jest," "But she's not taking it back". Unless the Cory who apologized wasn't at all the Cory we knew, saying it in jest merely served as the vehicle to express what she had long wanted to tell.

Based from the feelings of having been "betrayed," as violently expressed by the few remaining but very loud Edsa 2 forces across the blogosphere and the traditional media, President Aquino's apology has been widely read as real. Puzzlingly, a number of these same people also assert it was all a joke. It appears they're out on a damage control operation of sorts to protect their reputation as "decent" and "intelligent" people who definitely knew better than Erap's "less educated" supporters--and Cory's non-withdrawal of support for Edsa 2 was an important component of it.

Edsa 2 Amnesia or Edsa 2 Sanitizing?

Nonetheless, amidst the eulogies and media's pronounced harping on Cory's contribution in toppling Marcos, her succeeding presidency, and her campaign against the Arroyo presidency--while being almost dead silent on her role in the intervening unseating of Estrada and 2004 presidential campaign for Arroyo--the necrological services sounded not only like a silent approval of Estrada's unconstitutional ouster but also a deliberate and dishonest representation of the late President. Cory, after all, tried her best to undo her grievous and misguided support of Arroyo. Firstly, in 2005, she asked for the latter's resignation following the "Hello Garci" electoral fraud expose, befriended and supported the widow of the "defeated" presidential candidate Fernando Poe, Jr., and later, in December 2008, publicly apologized to Estrada for the 2001 "uprising."

Why are these prominent chapters of Cory's public life conspicuously missing in the tributes offered to her? Obviously, the Edsa 2 no-mention that gradually began a few years ago only means that the 2001 exercise is a discredited "People Power" movement. Still, the question is whether Cory's sustained campaign against the present administration's excesses and greed for power can stand on its own in the chapter on her post-presidency? Why, even her anti-Cha-Cha campaign during Ramos' time was hardly mentioned, if at all.

Is Cory a "democracy icon" only because of her role in ousting Marcos, restoring free elections, bringing back the system of check and balances, and helping ratify the 1987 Constitution? Or is President Aquino the "mother of democracy" because she continuously worked to preserve democracy, including through her sincere efforts to undo the damage she helped inflict on it when, in not trusting the system she herself restored, she chose the Machiavellian path and worked for Erap's ouster?

In the first place, would President Aquino have really wanted a sanitized version of her life in a book dedicated to the Filipino people? The religious, the friends, the politicians--they have all been hailing her for being "honest," "sincere," "clean," "moral," and "transparent"--traits reflected in her presidency and in her post-1992 advocacies. Shouldn't it be proper that such uncanny honesty and truthfulness, to be tempered of course by due respect, also mark the eulogies and tributes to her? Wouldn't Tita Cory have preferred to be remembered for what she truly was--unpretentious in her ways and beliefs?

A sober one may get to wonder--are they merely protecting Cory's memory, or protecting their own "reputation" and interests? A case of collective amnesia, or conspiracy of silence? A 2001 New York Times article should remind them how Edsa 2 operated outside the democratic framework:

The man they overthrew, Joseph Estrada, was a democratically elected president half way through his six-year term. The popular uprising took place when it became clear that due process ? his impeachment trial in the Senate ? would not produce the result many people hoped for: his removal by constitutional means.

Cory a "Saint"?

Unfortunately, the sanitizing, nay, sanctifying, bandwagon seems not confined to the local media. Time magazine will feature Cory Aquino once more as cover article, calling her a "Saint of Democracy." In a precursor article entitled "People Power's Philippine Saint," author Howard Chua-Eoan devoted just one sentence to the now discredited Edsa 2—but even misrepresented Aquino's role in it by claiming that "She joined crowds that led to the overthrow" of Estrada. My, my, since when has "led" become synonymous with "joined"?

A Yellow Celebration of Cory

Of course, the fourth day eventually turned multi-colored as two of the Marcos children came to the wake. The earlier days and nights of the wake also showed the broad spectral range of political forces that "Tita Cory's" death managed to unite--a trend seen from the first day of the wake until the historic funeral on August 5, 2009. Every one of every political color came, the more notable of whom was the primary victim of the 2001 conspiracy of which Cory was a party to--President Estrada who came with his cabinet members in full force, along with his wife ex-Sen. Loi and son Sen. Jinggoy. The half-sister of Arroyo, Cielo Macapagal-Salcedo, also attended the funeral mass. Even Arroyo came to the wake in the wee hours of the funeral day.

I'm proud to have been part of the historic funeral, at least part of it. We were actually late for the requiem mass but we reached Roxas Blvd. just after the cortege left Manila Cathedral. As we approached, a sea of near-yellow was coming to our direction--flocks of people in either yellow tops, ribbons, jackets, or caps emerging from the Anda Circle in Bonifacio Drive. Yellow balloons were flying to the air, as some people held or tied similar balloons to their vehicles. We witnessed the yellow and white confetti showers from a green military helicopter flying rather close to ground. For a moment there, it seemed that the spirit of the genuine and original "People Power" were upon us. Actually, I could swear it was.

From our position, in the center island across one of Metro Manila's fire trucks parked along the Manila Bay side of the boulevard, we saw people who lined the streets wave the "L" for "Laban" ("Fight") sign at each other , to those in the funeral procession, and to the VIP, participants' and media vehicles passing by both lanes. People chanted "Cory" or "Laban." We joined in the act of solidarity that felt like a combination of mourning, revelry, and militancy against the perceived enemy of democracy, Gloria Arroyo's government. I remember the media vehicles, banners representing various groups including some militant organizations, and even some Mar Roxas placards/banners that appeared like a show of irreverent politicking. At any rate, everybody just seemed one that day.

The flat-bed truck passed bedecked with beautiful yellow flowers, and in the middle was President Aquino's casket draped in the Philippine flag. Holding back my tears, I stood in silent reverence and muttered "Goodbye, Cory. You were not perfect but seemed to have always done what you think was best for the people." The honor guards looked both impressive and gallant, as befit a funeral for a well-loved former leader of the land. The Cojuangco Family bus, or one of possibly several, passed by the left lane and the "L" sign continued to be exchanged. Pervading the air was the spirit of solidarity behind Cory, her family, and the ideals she campaigned for, as much as the mixed feelings of mourning and jubilation of a public life well lived. It seemed like Edsa 1 all over again--Filipinos united for the common cause of democracy and marching behind the yellow rays of the sun, the revered color symbol of Cory's "Laban" ("Fight") for democracy.

"Laban," "Cory," "Erap"

The trip to Cory's funeral was rather long and hard, given the bad weather, but I had no intention of missing this historic and meaningful moment. I had decided to offer my humble time and presence to her in honor of our country and in recognition of her fallible but patriotic and lovingly heroic campaigns for democracy. Just a glimpse of her cortege, and being part of the crowd was enough, well enough.

Then, we got our unexpected bonus. President Estrada's vehicle approached, as we were alerted to it by others along the island. Oh, girl! Another imperfect but beloved figure! I grabbed the chance and did as others did--reached through the open window and shook the waving hand of a smiling Erap! As he passed by us, some of the small crowd in our position still chanted "Erap, Erap." I unfortunately never got to see Cory close up in person--not alive, not dead (because I chose to attend the funeral than queue for the wake's public viewing) but the case turned out differently for Estrada. Yes, I've seen him before a couple of times but always only from a distance.

It was a mixed feeling being up close to the man I never voted for--not even as Senator and Vice-President--but who became my President after I realized the fallacy of the "Erap Resign!" and eventual ouster / Edsa 2 movement. Estrada is the President I now reluctantly liken to our other national hero, Andres Bonifacio, on account of their being both pro-masa and having been victimized by a conspiracy of the elites. Of course, Erap can't compare with Bonifacio in most respects--much in the similar manner that Arroyo is far, far worse than Aguinaldo. Perhaps, it's a reflection of the times they lived in or the disastrous politico-cultural effect of America's colonization of the country. I'm not sure....

Love and Respect

The outpouring of sympathy or support for Cory was spectacular, as we soon found out after deciding to be part of the "advance party" by moving ahead of the cortege from Roxas Boulevard, to Quirino Avenue, to Osmena Avenue, and to South Superhighway until Makati. The lines of ordinary people waiting for President Aquino's cortege to pass by on the way to Manila Memorial Park were thick on both sides. Old and young people showed ardent and spontaneous feelings of love and respect. There were organized "tourists" from the provinces who carried small and big banners or placards with tribute lines for Cory.

The urban poor carried makeshift placards with touching messages, ranging from the simpler "Mahal ka Namin," and "Salamat, Cory Aquino;" to the more militant "Ipagpapatuloy po namin ang inyong ipinaglaban," and rather poignant Cory quote "'Take care of each other.' --Ina ng Bayan" or something to that effect. I remember yellow balloons also dancing in the air among the waiting crowds along the Quirino Ave. leg of the funeral procession exit, along with yellow plastics tied to one or more pedicabs and other vehicles. A low, single-sitter carriage powered by a beautiful brown horse caught much attention. I even noticed a woman grasping a dove. Some held pictures of Cory: a woman holding a big banner-size framed picture of the late President proceeded alone, as if trying to make sure that others remember Tita Cory. There were some banners and placards that bore Arroyo's name, rather indignant ones that asked for her ouster.

We ended our offering for Cory around past 2PM, turning right at Zobel Roxas Avenue in Makati. News reports later showed us the more complete picture of the funeral procession and confirmed our experience, partial though it may be, of the massive outpouring of love and sympathy for the 11th President of the Philippines. In this case, still pictures (and videos) tell it all--Filipinos united for the wake and burial of Cory Aquino.

Cory Magic Renewed

I was mildly and joyfully flabbergasted by the very massive and heartfelt outpouring of sympathy and support for President Aquino. I was initially skeptical because I knew that the "Cory Magic" had long faded away, and wasn't even able to secure Arroyo's victory in the 2004 presidential polls without the latter having needed to cheat the "Hello Garci" style. As we moved along Quirino Highway towards the Makati City part of South Superhighway, I realized that months before her death, she had managed to win back the population she alienated when she joined the rather elitist movement against a highly popular and incumbent President. The human sea of love, that included the "great unwashed," made me certain that before she bade Filipinos goodbye, Tita Cory managed to unite the forces of the two successful and one unsuccessful "People Power" exercises in Edsa.

She began the healing process some five years back with her show of touching kindness to Fernando Poe, Jr. whom she visited when he was in the throes of death. Next, Cory issued, in effect, the posthumous acknowledgment that FPJ was the genuinely elected 14th President of the Philippines when she asked her former protégée Gloria Arroyo to resign and "make the supreme sacrifice." She sealed her renewed covenant with the Filipino masses--within the context of the higher goal of preserving democracy--when she publicly voiced her apology to Estrada over her part in the big blunder of Edsa 2 soon after she was diagnosed with terminal colon cancer.

The late 2008 apology to the imperfect Estrada, the "Father of the Masses" was Cory's supreme show of statesmanship. True to form, the late President once more demonstrated her remarkable sense of humility and determination to do what is righteous, even if it meant admitting to her own wrong. In the process, Cory dared defy, and invited the cruel ridicule of, the still unrepentant Edsa 2 gullibles and conspirators--those traitors to the 1987 Constitution, conceited subverters of the spirit of Edsa 1, pretentious conspirators against genuine Philippine democracy.

Cory: Edsa1, EDSA2, Edsa 3

Some news pieces/videos carried titles to the effect of claiming that "Cory brings people back to the streets.' What is the more complete picture is that Cory was able to restore the "People Power" zeal that Edsa 2--of which she was one of the leaders--almost killed. It was her apology and subsequent friendship with Estrada that helped lead to the reunification of a country split by Edsa 2 and the unsuccessful Edsa 3 and their consequences.

To gloss over the mistakes of President Cory, if not categorically depict a persona of political infallibility, is to cover up not only her mortal blunders but her admirable efforts to correct or undo them for the sake of the nation. To deny Cory's wrongs is to deny what her actions revealed to the Filipinos--that Estrada should not have been deposed and Arroyo not have been installed as successor in 2001, and that Fernando Poe Jr. had been cheated of the Philippine presidency. To deny or even omit her misguided roles in Edsa 2 and the 2004 campaign for Arroyo is to censor factual and reported parts of Cory's history. To deny Cory's public apology over the Edsa 2 coup d'état is to misrepresent her sincere brand of patriotism, and to deceive not only one's self but, also, the entire Filipinos.

To maliciously rewrite history by glossing over or excluding the fact of Cory's sincere apology and gestures of making up with the key victims of Edsa 2--Estrada and FPJ--is to pretend that those important chapters in her life and the nation's did not happen. President Aquino realized and did not hesitate to take personal responsibility for the 2001 and 2004 conspiracies to subvert the workings of the very democracy that she restored in memory of her husband Ninoy Aquino.

The remaining unapologetic anti-Estrada forces of Edsa 2 may claim Cory as exclusively Edsa 1 in her death. That would be so far from the truth because it was her show of statewomanly humility to admit to blunders amidst her consistent patriotic yearnings that have endeared the "People Power" President back to those alienated by her role in the undemocratic January 2001 exercise. Cory herself would have corrected those eulogies and tributes that sanitized her role in Philippine politics. I'm so sure that the sincere, honest, and transparent President Cory would have asked that she be pictured for everything she has done--as Edsa 1 "People Power" heroine; as part of the Edsa 2 fallacy; and a mortal "mother of democracy" that made peace with the movers of Edsa 3, the Filipino masses.

________

References at: SOBRIETY FOR THE PHILIPPINES

SOURCE: Philippine Commentary

They're in the home stretch

The chart at left is a distillation of the last three months of Voter Preference Surveys conducted by the Social Weather Stations since the 2007 Midterm Election campaign began. It shows the top 25 candidates running in next Monday's national elections for 12 new Senators and the percentage of voters who say they would vote for the candidate if the election were held at that point in the campaign. The country will also elect all new Congress representatives (District and Party List); all new governors, mayors and thousands of other local government officials during the May 14 polls. The conventional wisdom is that the first eight Senatorial seats are now "spoken for:"

LOREN LEGARDA looks ready to repeat her 1998 feat of topping the Senate Race -- given chart-topping voter support (currently at 58% in the SWS polls.) Neither being the running mate of FPJ in 2004, nor the wife of accused murderer Gov. Antonio Leviste has dented the loyal core of supporters that first brought her into politics and the Senate.

Senate President MANNY VILLAR inexplicably faded in the race for No. 1 with Loren, losing double digits in the SWS survey from 57% at 45% between March and April. His team needs to understand why this happened, despite doing a lot of commercials and the candidate working hard on the campaign trail. It may be important when these two political heavyweights go after higher office in 2010.

Senator PING LACSON has a solid lock on 3rd place with rock-steady numbers, reflective of having run for President in 2004 and placing a very respectable third place. He's also got his sights set on higher office in 2010. His law and order message is consistent and clear and unifies Ping's solid electoral base behind a strong record as former Chief of Police. Ping is also a credible voice when it comes to the pork barrel and will be a contender in 2010.

House Minority Leader Francis "Chiz" Escudero, (and prospective father of twins) looks set to enter the halls of the Upper House, in a well-deserved promotion by an appreciative and intelligent base of electoral support. His always well-reasoned arguments and explanations on complex and crucial issues of the last few years have given the Opposition a respectable voice and leader and have earned Chiz a place in the Senate. There, I hope he will continue to rain thunderbolts and lightning strikes on the corrupt and the stupid in government with his erudite analyses of laws and policies and his patient exposition of them.

Senator KIKO PANGILINAN can afford to be an "independent" because he has Sharon Cuneta there like a Life Insurance Policy. But it also means he can avoid making certain tough choices that might otherwise be forced on him. The precipitous slide in his polling numbers (a plunge from 57% to 39%) just means he doesn't have the respect of some who see fence-sitting in the claim of independence.

Senator RALPH RECTO follows closely behind his fellow Wednesday Group member, who has his own famous wife's drama in Batangas province to deal with. Vilma Santos will be running for Governor of that key Luzon province and is also an important factor in her husband's political career. Both Kiko and Ralph should find themselves back in the Senate, thanks to the MegaStar and the Vilmanians.

Senator ED ANGARA joins his two younger colleagues in the Magic 12 list. Re-electionist Ed Angara returns to the Senate with solid support. An efficient LDP party machinery, experience and many years of service show in his campaign. Rumors of a romantic relationship with Loren Legarda have also not hurt him at all, and have been secretly encouraged.

Senator JOKER ARROYO completes the return of the entire Wednesday Group to the Upper House, (since the latter is presumably safe at eighth place this late in the race.) Joker has played all his cards right, pandering to both the Left and the Right in just the most effective ways to ensure no loss of key blocks of support. And of course, he claims to have chosen the side that would not be cheated by the Comelec.

Congressman ALAN PETER CAYETANO comes in ninth behind Joker in the April survey, however, his overall numbers have been far stronger than this result might indicate. His problems don't seem to be over either, with that nuisance doppelganger in the form of KBL's stevedor-candidate Joselito Cayetano still not declared as such by the Comelec. But I think his election to the Senate is about as secure as that of Joker Arroyo's if not more so.

THE RACE TIGHTENS AT THE BOTTOM:
Following within 6 percentage points of Cayetano's 31% score are candidates ranked tenth to fifteenth: Tito Sotto, Gringo Honasan, Koko Pimentel, Noynoy Aquino, Migz Zubiri and Sonia Roco (30% to 25%). Given both the sampling margins (plus or minus 3 percent) and the fact that all election rankings tend to become highly dynamic and volatile at the end as the undecided decide, and the decided change their minds, any of the above six candidates seem to have more than a fair hope of making it into the Magic 12. In the March to April period, the candidacies of Sonia Roco and Juan Miguel Zubiri have really taken off and both of them threaten to barge into the Magic Circle. Zubiri is apparently being buoyed upward by an aggressive media campaign powered by global warming buzz, whose up-draught Migs has craftily caught with a his support for a biofuels law and pro-environment pose. Sonia Roco, with her sympathetic demeanor and Roco name is just within striking distance that could solidify into a real stake by Election Day. Even though the April Survey had Koko Pimentel in 12th position, ahead of Noynoy Aquino, the latter's overall numbers look more solid to me than Koko and if the toss up is between them, I would put my bet on Noynoy Aquino.

John Osmena has had the unusual privilege of getting Erap to pitch for his candidacy on AM Radio during the last few weeks, but whether it will be enough to win remains to be seen. His numbers have plummeted disastrously.

Mike Defensor has been unable to improve upon a 21% voter preference score in three months of trying. I guess it's time for Utol to accept the fact: he won't be going to the Senate. Nikki Coseteng deserves to lose for her unthinking pro-Left statements and positions early in the campaign, which turned off her Chinese base. Tessie Aquino Oreta gets nothing but negatives for a pointless, even insincere "I am sorry." speech. Butch Pichay is getting planted like a cabbage alright, but not in the Senate, (as his silly, silly slogan suggested). Luis "Chavit" Singson may be willing to handle live grenades in a made-for-media hostage situation, or even crash in a helicopter while campaigning in the mountains, but Chavit won't be going to the Senate, either. Richard Gomez makes more sense to me than many of these established politicians, and voters ought to take a better look at him next time.

The candidacy of Oakwood Mutineer Antonio Trillanes IV has been supported by many famous people, in the Media notably by Manuel L. Quezon III and Ellen Tordesillas. Campaigning while under detention and facing Court charges for coup d'etat, he might have made a very interesting addition to the Senate. I think Trillaness would be more serious about working as a Senator to reform the Armed Forces than Gringo Honasan has been.